“the prison… to be opened, broken open, and its pieces scattered through the streets of the sleeping state, to wake it up and tear away the veil of ignorance that had been the witch’s veil of honesty! Other than the chains of this life, I knew nothing else.”
A year ago (and a bit), we were faced with a new threat, the Covid-19 virus, and through this rapidly occurring condition, once again two worlds came to a new unprecedented rupture. State and capital recognized through their mechanisms two positions which they were obliged to consolidate in order to ensure their survival. On the one hand, the necessity of protecting industrial-technological and consumer sources of profitability was presented. On the other, the consolidation of social lull and, where possible, the imposition of new operational plans to suppress any socialized tendency to oppose it, as well as the finessing of the edges of the means of subjugation, surveillance and monitoring for a – perhaps not so – future activation of them.
At the same time, the social base, as well as its radical parts, were faced with a situation where the multiple affected fields of influence, not enough structured automation, were returned to a relative previous ‘equilibrium,’ as the rhetoric and biopolitical strategy of the capitalist apparatus was, if not in a way new, then certainly recalibrated. Nonetheless, localized resistances were born throughout this time, all over the globe, not of course, spatially and temporally isolated, but as a natural continuation of struggles and choices, collective and individual, made by social, class and political formations over a long period of time.
On the local scale within so-called Greece, there has of course been no exception in terms of the general strategy on the part of the state and capital, apart from logical variations due to different social, historical and spatial conditions. Part of these differentiations was the strategic choice of harsh repression and the corresponding supply of the repressive mechanisms. This choice was by no means accidental, but based mainly on the recent history of the 2008 uprising, but also on the general historicity of the resistances consistently given since the post-independence period. Moreover, the choice of the harshness of the repression and the unrelenting attitude of this government is not only the continuation of strategies of complicity with previous governments, but also a personal bet due to electoral promises and the awareness of the symbolisms that permeate, and are necessary, in terms of the discourse of sovereignty. These symbolisms are pervasive from the “axiom” of the omnipotence of state institutions to the value of currencies (etc.), and on the other side of the coin, the view that moments, signs or even persons of the antagonistic movement are also only symbols.
Dimitris Koufontinas is undoubtedly a symbol of the armed anti-state, anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movement, but he is also so much more than that, which any kind of ruler and any kind of petty bourgeois will never be able to understand. He is the living and imaginary link between the eras of resistance and struggle. He constitutes as literally as possible what history demonstrates as a pivotal and consistent revolutionary. He is part of every living struggle against the onslaught of domination. He is our comrade even if we have known him only through narratives. He is so much that words cannot cover and so much that we cannot speak about it either, but every revolutionary and fighter knows it well. That is why the hunger strike he chose to launch for his transfer to Korydallos constituted so much more. We cannot talk about victories and defeats in our own camp, we will let history judge them. But in the camp of power we can only talk about defeats. Because despite the attempt to bury the strike through the establishment media and despite the government’s far from hidden desire to see his dead body, the solidarity movement was there to laugh at the weakness of the institutions and dance fiercely in mockery. Because every time an enemy of ours catches the name of a comrade in his mouth, it only proves the ridiculousness of his existence. How small they all are. They cannot understand that for them, it may be a personal vendetta, but for us, it is a battlefield for dignity and existence. Comrade Dimitris Koufontinas chose to end his hunger strike a few days ago, but even so, nothing is over. On the contrary, this moment can be seen as a beginning. The moment when, in accordance with the revolutionary duty that governs each and every one of us, we will choose to intensify our confrontation. With certainty and modesty, we can say that through this strike, for the first time in the history of social resistances, this sharpening was presented in a way. Perhaps the timing of Dimitris’s struggle in conjunction with other current struggles and the context may be the cause, but it matters little. At this moment, we are called upon to demonstrate consistency and fearlessness in continuing what has been achieved. The comrade militant has taken the strike to its end, not with an apparent victory of the cause of the struggle or with death, but with the situation that came socially through the process of struggle itself. Once again, he put his body on the battlefield, now holding it as a weapon and fired.
We have never asked for sacrifices, but only for battlefields; and D. Koufontinas has given us one more.
For when our people are fired upon, we breathe through the smoke of our fires, and this applies not only to our specific comrades, but to every moment that state, capital and all kinds of oppressors choose to step on the people of our own camp, on the rest of the animals, on the natural world. The moment they reach out to grab and step on, we are there to cut them off at the root.
So, on February 24, we chose to attack, by placing an incendiary device, at the military residences at 2 Velissariou Street, as a gesture of fiery solidarity with D. Koufontinas, striking one of the most “powerful” and important institutions of the power complex, the army. This particular target was chosen not only for its role under “normal” conditions, as a tool for the realization of imperialist appetites, as a symbol of prestige and a lever for the satisfaction of geopolitical interests, or as a machine for the death of so many migrants at the borders, but also for the role it has taken within the pandemic. The belligerent climate built through the use of military terminology on the part of the state has very specific purposes. The militarization of social surveillance, the consolidation of a war within the urban landscape, the reference to invisible enemies, define such conditions of fear and a sense of danger in society and give the image of a rescue state in a crisis that concerns everyone, under the pretext of the pandemic. By means of a relative abstraction on the definition of the subject hostile to society and by proposing as an emergency solution the mobilisation of its most rigid and, at the same time, its most specialized procedures, the State finds fertile ground for totalitarianism through the military apparatus. When the state itself chooses as its enemy in the sanitary – and health – battle in the body of the struggling society, through this whole narrative, it possibly indirectly legitimizes the use of the army as a last resort of repression. Even as we have seen in isolated instances, what if the army is on the streets to enforce order, since we are in an emergency and it is happening for the sanitary protection of citizens? Even if militarism, through moves like these, struggles to become normality, even if the state believes that through all its methods, inertia will be established, through inertia and passivity, determination and energy will spill out more aggressively than ever before. ** We are the unseen poison in your death feasts.**
“I will tell you: I see this society of theirs as a robbery, a killing, and the more the wounds will consume me, the more my rage will grow fiercer, harder. For what man after such a humiliation as that will be inflicted on him, will want to live in peace? Who? At the moment when all the plagues groan and reap and ask to tear me whole, when I silence it a little bit and do not wash away the very hatred they have filled me with.”
NOTHING IS OVER, EVERYTHING IS NOW BEING JUDGED.
A CONTINUOUS, MULTIFORM WAR AGAINST EVERY POWER.
SOLIDARITY TO DIMITRIS KOUFONTINAS
Direct Action Cells
Source: Athens IMC