Communiqué received together with the photos on 08/16/2019:
I. Street fight in confluence with the new urban guerrilla
As groups, we use revolutionary violence to make visible the obvious contradictions that the systemic and changing operation of capital implies, depending on the State that legitimizes it as the social order of the day.
Each gear justifies the next and is consolidated as a structure under the protection of a judicial apparatus that condemns many to misery, softens abuses and violations of priests condemned to a life of confinement in palaces, and forgives tax crimes within the reach of 1% of Chilean citizens that conserve 26.5% of the wealth; an executive power in charge of justifying and accelerating the measures that favor the wealthy and thirsty group of tyranny that is on duty; a legislative power in charge of discussing among its caste the daily evolution of millions of people… and always protecting their privileged status in power.
In this scenario, we decided to break with passivity by taking control in certain and specific circumstances by attacking different structures of political and business power, with the clarity that fleeting and small blows do not destroy, but stain the staging of order and its fanatics, so it also fills us with fervent rebel energy with hints of freedom in the small fractures of what sometimes seems to be unshakable.
This is when we decide the objective that will be attacked in the intimate conspiracy, also being part of the scene of street fighting in the city, and sometimes sharpening them with tactics of the new urban guerrilla.
The violent clandestine action of the attack on political and economic power in its multiple manifestations, shows the existence of what they strive to hide and protect, their vulnerability.
Simulated and incendiary artifacts have been tools used when arranging actions controlling all possible factors, occasionally failing, and hitting others where ingenuity has exceeded the power of the attack, generating large and scandalous operations. The planning and a cautious definition of objectives have allowed good executions and the expected tension on the part of the persecutors.
Homemade explosive devices and artisanal firepower have accompanied the direct confrontation made possible by street violence. Different places with a common denominator, police guarding the private property of large companies that dare to break into towns are attacked, the transport clothing has been burned, by our own hand and friendly hands, thus allowing the confluence of wills in the materiality of the attack, which is a vital part of these changing and constant scenarios.
In contrast to an act arranged clearly by our groups, the broad and disruptive actions provided in these conditions have allowed us to expand the effects, as well as achieve the objectives independent of the number of people involved; the disrupted street fight opens doors for creativity and certainty of the attack on the established, being just as meritorious as the clandestine action that bursts in without prior expectation.
We try not to lose sight of any opportunity to put into practice those ideas that have brought us together in autonomous affinity; we take advantage of every experience, every opportunity that is presented to return a little of the violence that some people exert through power. We legitimize revenge, rebellion in the free development of our revolutionary consciences.
II. Transportation system: a legitimate target
Returning to the final idea of our previous statement, we will synthetically explain some ideas that we think are important around the transport structure of Santiago, taking those elements that we believe are explanatory of a topic that could be very broad.
It seems far from associating the entry of Chile into the OECD [Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development] with a daily reality such as displacement in the metropolitan transport system, however the development of multiple public policies has to do with the persecution of political wills of the powerful who direct and decide the social development around self-benefit and the desire to increase their personal capital through the insertion of Chilean territory in the international market.
To achieve this, the Chilean political caste has defined a series of measures that have nothing to do with the benefit and well-being of its inhabitants, but occur despite the consequences that this may bring.
The decision of the course that will be taken to achieve this is clearly far removed from the democratic tribune and the governance discussions that common citizenship pursues with longing. The debate of the costs, benefits and projects to follow occurs between the 1% that conserves 26.5% of the capitalist wealth housed in Chile.
This was reflected when the will of the Chilean State pursued a series of political adjustments that allowed it to build a path of entry to the OECD, a fact that began to materialize in 2007, when this international organization delivered a road map with a series of adjustments that remained to be made to specify his membership as an official member.
Prior to this, the State of Chile had begun to cement this process, including among the adjustments to the “modernization” of capital transport to comply with international standards. The Transantiago began to see the light, making it clear that its design was not made for the benefit and better quality of life of the people who use it, but that it was a means to achieve the minimum requirements of transport in an economy that was intended to be world class.
In spite of how repetitive it could be, it is necessary to consider that good economic development goes hand in hand with a good commercial flow and a good circulation of its producers, so that transport has so far been the object of analysis and intervention by the “experts” on the subject, as well as an edge to be covered by those who project the national estate.
When this public policy is implemented, with clear material consequences, it is evident that compliance with these standards is not a complement or adjustment to the circumstantial reality of a territory, causing a series of failures and a successive malaise in those who address this medium.
Seen from another side, it is clear that good intentions are not part of those who decide to carry out a project like this, justifying the need to “improve” transport in the Metropolitan Region and making clear the obvious connectivity problems that exist in other large cities and isolated territories. However, this is not due to lack of information, but an investment of such a large size is justified only in equal profits, and to reach international standards, the modernization of transport in Santiago is proportional to the increase in productivity expected by the most wealthy 1%, a benefit that another city would not deliver, so this investment would be unjustified.
This and other changes implemented resulted in the consideration of Chile by the OECD in 2007, and its materialization in 2009 when it became official, with other changes in return.
The importance of Chile’s entry to this international forum lies in the explicit declaration of political and economic collaboration between the countries that comprise it, what its members call “sharing experiences,” implementing economic projections in the tone of “suggestion” for its members. In practice, it constitutes a business niche for the leading caste of each member country, and in it, as in several other international organizations, the future of each territory is decided, aimed at the joint strengthening of the market economy that benefits it.
As harmless as these definitions of functions may appear to be for each member, these have clear material and daily consequences in the life of each person, as well as irreversible changes in the configuration of each place, which by progressive and small steps, strengthen the order, the inequality and the existing aggression.
As for the Santiago transport system, this would become a small gear of the very wide universe of decisions made in the context of international politics. The attack on this medium might seem small, but it is clear that at this scale it is where decisions that might seem high and unattainable materialize. It is in the daily development where power and capital carry out the actions that perpetuate it, and it is necessary to understand that there are no unattainable objectives; low-scale violent actions will not displace a decision of such magnitude, but it will hinder it and it will show the contradiction; it is a memory that not everything belongs to them.
Before an attack on Transantiago or the current Network, there are those who are bothered by the daily affectation that this may mean to them; the machinery takes care that the citizenship routine justifies the control and order without alterations, ignoring that it is in the material terrain where social domination is built and consolidated. That is why we continue to demand action against the transport system, in recent years, through our immersion in street action we have been able to be present in the burning of eight buses, totally legitimate actions.
III. We act accordingly
On March 22, the presence of Bolsonaro and other mandatory puppets at the PROSUR [Forum for the Progress and Development of South America] summit that took place in the Metropolitan region resulted in a call for demonstration in rejection of them in Paseo Bulnes, near the Government Palace. We joined in multiple destructions, vandalism, looting, barricades and sabotages this demonstration brought.
On March 29, we were part of a new combat somewhere in Santiago, participating in street fighting and barricades.
In the month of April, we acted along with comrades in an ambush of Carabineros de Chile [Chilean national police force], perpetrated with lead and incendiary devices. A barricade was used as a decoy to provoke the approach of the police to the place, while we waited for those barricaded in another place, a success factor in the armed attack, because the first shotgun percussion took place just 5 meters away took down a policeman who fell to the ground and was helped by his miserable companions who received a rain of incendiary devices, while improvising the escape. This action was carried out in coordination with urban combatants had no “official” media impact, but it happened through social networks.
On April 20, we were part of a new combat, in a concerted action with more urban combatants, participating in the commemoration of the guerrillas Erick Rodríguez and Iván Palacios in the municipality of Quinta Normal, where barricades were erected, and a new armed attack took place against Carabineros de Chile, and in a matter of seconds a Transantiago bus was taken by assault that was completely burned.
On May 1, we were part of a new combat in the center of the capital, participating in the radical call that advanced through the Alameda. We contribute to it through the street fight that left innumerable destructions, vandalism, barricades and sabotage.
In May, we expropriated ammunition again to strengthen our humble arsenal. The material acquired somewhere was transferred by Santiago at the same time that the police were assembling a massive operation in the city, multiplying the identity and vehicle controls, as well as the rounds by air and land route, facts that have been repeated quite a long time ago, resulting in a large balance of arrests for illegal possession of weapons and drugs, a matter to consider.
On August 3, we were part of a commemoration of comrade Kevin Garrido in the Pedro Aguirre Cerda commune, and in a concerted and coordinated operation with more urban combatants, several armed attacks against Carabineros de Chile were carried out and again a robbery was taken of the capital bus transport that was completely set on fire.
To complement this section composed of the exposition of our actions as groups, we reinforce the idea developed in the first point of this text, making it clear that the attacks made have been possible due to the cooperation and participation of more accomplices in war, among these are the brothers and sisters who have been present since this project began to take shape in 2015. By that time the comrades had perpetrated an explosive attack against a Chilectra company in October 2015, an arson attack against a Transantiago bus in November 2015, Finally, they issued a statement where they expressed threats and harangues calling for the attack in January 2016. That action is part of our anti-civilization perspective that continued to be actively reflected through the Forces for the Overflow of Civilization.
Before finalizing, we send a greeting full of strength and vitality to comrade Juan Aliste, who resists the prison confinement with dignity and constant political activity, as does comrade Marcelo Villarroel, who currently faces the aberrant irregularity that the judicial system exerts against sedition, which revives and applies a conviction perpetrated by military justice, whose only handle in times of democracy is to lessen autonomous subversion that they have not been able to silence.
Finally, we remember those who with their actions have given life to the ideas of rebellion and freedom, making the leap from fierce criticism against the order that tries to crush us to the attack on the materiality that strengthens it in different times and territories: Michele Angiolillo, Herminia Concha, Sebastián Oversluij, Javier Recabarren, Santiago Maldonado, Heather Heyer, Mikhail Zhlobitsky and Kevin Garrido. In memoriam.
Let’s sharpen the street fight and the new urban guerrillas!
Fire, shots and roars against power, its structures and lackeys!
Everything goes on … We will be back!
Antagonic Cores of the New Urban Guerrilla
Forces for the Overflow of Civilization
Insurrectional Column “Ira and Complot” - FAI / FRI